Demonstration 1 of 4
Election uncertainty and partisan inflation surprises
Why does the winner of an election move output even when everyone knows each party's inflation plan?
Wage contracts average the two platforms by their probabilities, so whichever party wins delivers a surprise. The less expected the winner, the larger the surprise and the output movement, while the average gap across outcomes is zero.
Scroll sideways for the whole equation
Party L would run inflation pi_L and party R 1.5 percent; q is L's chance of winning when wages are set. Contracts build in expected inflation pi^e, and the output gap is alpha = 0.4 times the inflation surprise.
Predict first. Which winner produces the larger output movement, the favorite or the underdog?
Choose an example
Scroll sideways for the whole figure
Constructed example: the chapter's hypothetical economy (5.5 and 1.5 percent platforms, L's chance 0.65, slope 0.4); win chances 0.35, 0.50 and 0.80 and platform gaps of 2 and 6 points are added for comparison.
Calculated values
- Expected inflation
- 4.10
- Gap if L wins
- 0.56
- Gap if R wins
- -1.04
- Mean gap
- 0.00
- Expected squared gap
- 0.5824
Contracts build in pi^e = 0.65 x 5.5 + 0.35 x 1.5 = 4.10. If L wins the gap is 0.4 x (5.5 - 4.10) = 0.56; if R wins it is -1.04. Party L is the favorite, so its victory is mostly anticipated; the underdog R produces the larger movement, 1.04 points against 0.56. The mean gap is zero, but the expected squared gap is 0.5824.
Worked steps
- pi^e = 0.65 x 5.5 + 0.35 x 1.5 = 3.575 + 0.525 = 4.10
- Gap if L = 0.4 x (5.5 - 4.10) = 0.4 x 1.40 = 0.56
- Gap if R = 0.4 x (1.5 - 4.10) = 0.4 x (-2.60) = -1.04
- Expected squared gap = 0.16 x 0.65 x 0.35 x 4^2 = 0.5824
Use the idea
Expect the largest real effects after elections whose result was least anticipated when contracts were set, and none when indexation or an independent bank removes the surprise.
Where the conclusion applies
One-year contracts set before the vote, a known platform for each party and a fixed 0.4 slope. Win chances 0.35, 0.50 and 0.80 and platform gaps of 2 and 6 points (R held at 1.5) are added for comparison.
Check your understanding: If L's chance were 0.50, what is expected inflation and the gap if R wins?
Chapter 77 source: section "Partisan business cycle".
Demonstration 2 of 4
Pre-election stimulus and the post-election hangover
How can an incumbent buy lower unemployment before a vote, and who pays for it afterward?
The stimulus works only as a surprise. Once expectations adjust, returning inflation to normal is itself a negative surprise, so the pre-election gain is repaid after the vote.
Scroll sideways for the whole equation
u_t is unemployment and pi_t^e expected inflation in period t. Natural unemployment is 6.5, the Phillips slope is 0.35, normal inflation is 2.5, and expectations close a share rho of the last error each period. The election falls at the end of period 2.
Predict first. If the incumbent does not stimulate (period 2 inflation stays at 2.5), what happens to the cycle?
Choose an example
Scroll sideways for the whole figure
Constructed example: the chapter's hypothetical economy (normal inflation 2.5, natural rate 6.5, slope 0.35, adjustment 0.4, election inflation 6 or 2.5); election inflation of 4 and 8 and adjustment speeds 0.2 and 0.7 are added for comparison.
Calculated values
- u_2
- 5.275
- pi_3^e
- 3.9
- u_3
- 6.99
- pi_4^e
- 3.34
- u_4
- 6.794
Raising election-period inflation to 6 surprises contracts by 3.5 points, so u_2 = 6.5 - 0.35 x 3.5 = 5.275, a fall of 1.225 points before the vote. Expectations then catch up to 3.9, and with inflation back at 2.5 unemployment rises to 6.99, 0.49 points above natural, then 6.794 in period 4 as expectations close 0.4 of each error.
Worked steps
- u_2 = 6.5 - 0.35 x (6 - 2.5) = 6.5 - 1.225 = 5.275
- pi_3^e = 2.5 + 0.4 x (6 - 2.5) = 3.9
- u_3 = 6.5 - 0.35 x (2.5 - 3.9) = 6.5 + 0.49 = 6.99
- pi_4^e = 3.9 + 0.4 x (2.5 - 3.9) = 3.34
- u_4 = 6.5 - 0.35 x (2.5 - 3.34) = 6.5 + 0.294 = 6.794
Use the idea
When unemployment falls sharply just before an election on an inflation surprise, expect a rise afterward as contracts catch up.
Where the conclusion applies
Adaptive expectations, a linear Phillips curve and voters who look only at the election period. Election inflation of 4 and 8 and adjustment speeds 0.2 and 0.7 are added for comparison.
Check your understanding: With the book's values, how far above natural is unemployment in period 3?
Chapter 77 source: section "Political business cycle".
Demonstration 3 of 4
Coalition size and the price of public goods
Why does a leader backed by a small coalition underprovide services that a broad coalition would accept?
Private rewards are divided among few people in a small coalition, so each member's share is large and a universal service is a poor substitute. In a large coalition each share is small, and the same service is worth more than what members give up.
Scroll sideways for the whole equation
Revenue R = 1,200; the leader keeps k = 240 and spends g = 160 on broad services, leaving 800 for private rewards shared among the W members of the winning coalition. S = 1,000 is the selectorate. A shift moves units from private rewards to a service worth 0.7 to every resident.
Predict first. Above what coalition size does the 300-unit shift become acceptable to insiders?
Choose an example
Scroll sideways for the whole figure
Constructed example: the chapter's hypothetical leader (R 1,200, k 240, g 160, S 1,000, W 20 or 600, a 300-unit shift worth 0.7 per resident); coalition sizes 100 and 430 are added for comparison.
Calculated values
- Private reward per insider
- 40.00
- Loyalty ratio W / S
- 0.020
- Loss per member from shift
- 0.0000
- Gain per member
- 0.0000
- Net per member
- 0.0000
- Verdict
- no shift proposed
With 20 essential supporters, each insider receives (1,200 - 240 - 160) / 20 = 800 / 20 = 40.00, and the loyalty ratio is 20 / 1,000 = 0.020. No shift is proposed, so insiders keep the full private reward.
Worked steps
- b = (1,200 - 240 - 160) / 20 = 800 / 20 = 40.00
- Loyalty ratio = 20 / 1,000 = 0.020
Use the idea
To predict whether a regime will fund a broad public good, compare the private reward each essential supporter would lose with what they gain from the good.
Where the conclusion applies
A fixed budget, equal private shares and a service valued equally by all residents. Coalition sizes 100 and 430 are added for comparison.
Check your understanding: For W = 600, what is each member's net from the shift?
Chapter 77 source: section "Selectorate winning-coalition principle".
Demonstration 4 of 4
Reform that raises output but threatens the ruler
Why would a ruler block a reform that raises national output and his own revenue?
The ruler weighs reform by its effect on his own survival, not on output. A power-sharing charter that holds down replacement risk can flip the decision where cheaper finance cannot.
Scroll sideways for the whole equation
The ruler's payoff is current revenue minus implementation cost plus (1 - q) V, where q is the probability of being replaced and V = 700 the value of another term. Reform lifts revenue from 270 to 340 but raises q from 0.08.
Predict first. Will a loan that cuts implementation cost to 20 make the ruler reform?
Choose an example
Scroll sideways for the whole figure
Constructed example: the chapter's hypothetical ruler (revenue 270 and 340, cost 30 or 20, V 700, replacement 0.08, 0.28 or 0.12); a replacement probability of 0.20 is added for comparison.
Calculated values
- Status quo payoff
- 914
- Reform payoff
- 814
- Net fiscal gain
- 40
- Replacement cost
- 140
- Decision
- block
Reform pays 340 - 30 + (1 - 0.28) x 700 = 814 against 914 under the status quo. It adds 40 of revenue net of implementation but the higher replacement risk costs 140 of expected tenure, so the ruler blocks it, whatever happens to national output.
Worked steps
- Status quo: 270 + (1 - 0.08) x 700 = 270 + 644 = 914
- Reform: 340 - 30 + (1 - 0.28) x 700 = 310 + 504 = 814
- Net fiscal gain = 340 - 270 - 30 = 40
- Replacement cost = (0.28 - 0.08) x 700 = 140
- 40 - 140 = -100: block
Use the idea
When a profitable reform stalls, ask how it changes the incumbent's chance of losing power, not only its cost.
Where the conclusion applies
A fixed value of another term and replacement probabilities taken as given. A replacement probability of 0.20 is added for comparison.
Check your understanding: Under a power-sharing charter (replacement probability 0.12), what is the reform payoff?
Chapter 77 source: section "Political replacement effect".